This is a study of the disharmony between the Federalists and Unitarians in the province of La Rioja and to a lesser extent the whole of Argentina during the political formative years of 1853 to 1870. The heart of the work is contained in the 1860's when the Federalist Caudillos of La Rioja led rebellions against the government of the Unitarians of Buenos Aires. The nature of the disunity and the outcome are examined from the perspective that the significant regional and societal uniqueness of the Riojana aristocracy and the relationship with the gauchos was the major ingredient for change. The two party interests and alignments created platforms, Unitarismo and Federalismo, that were diametrically opposed. De la Fuente tells this story from the perspective of the commonfolk - the gauchos. Ariel de la Fuente begins his study with an analysis of the Caudillos and the causes that led to the formation of the National State of Argentina and moves quickly in placing the Unitarians and Federalists under the microscope. In this second chapter the author furthers his argument that the significance of the interior residents away from the urban center of Buenos Aires, fully one-half of Argentina's populace at that time, with its repeated rebellions against the Unitarian government impacted the political formation more than any other movement. The fourth chapter, "Gauchos, Montoneros and Montoneras" is a provocative dissection of these people and their modes of rebellion, which is followed up by the fifth chapter's explanation of how the Caudillos (Federalists) were able to cement their own movement. It is not until the sixth chapter that the author's creative usage of political jingles and folklore really becomes apparent. This original use of popular political ditties and folkloric tales is essential to the overarching thesis that it was outside of Buenos Aires that the most significant political growth and change occurred. Ariel de la Fuente does not rely solely upon these postmodernist tradition parcels for his evidence. There is an abundance of the traditionalist primary source materials, such as land records, court documents, and diaries, which will no doubt appease those who find it difficult to accept as hard evidence the oral traditions and folktales in explaining the successful political outcome for the Federalists. The author recognizes that success of the Federalist's movement was due in no small part with the gauchos' ability to become more than an ostensible member of the political process. De la Fuente has assembled a masterful piece of historiographical text that will excite historians of this field, furthermore, this re-worked dissertation is also of enough literary quality that bookstore browsers and history aficionados will not be intimidated. The openness of the text is a reflection of the liberal nature of the source material and the creative strength of the author's interpretive ability. This is without exception a scholarly publication, which might overwhelm the lay person at different intervals. The final two chapters demand that the reader have at the very least a working knowledge of the historical background Argentina, both in political terms and social constructs. Without some grounding in this area it is easy to fall victim to the author's opinions alone. For any students of Latin American/South American history Children of Facundo provides an intimate regional history that is well thought and cogently argued. More attention and explanation might have been made in regard to the songs, stories and oral culture earlier on in the book. After reading chapter six, I connected much better with the first half of the study. This may simply be a matter of personal taste, but I prefer a breakdown of the ethnic structure early on in this type of study, this allows me to create better mental images of the society throughout the read. By the end of the book I had no difficulty in accepting De la Fuente's process of argument and his overall conclusion, this work is a success.

Composed of myriad primary sources, Conrad prefaces each document with a description, date and summary of the following text. Organized topically and then chronologically within each section, the format perfectly suits the researcher. Interestingly, (for my purposes) the text contains numerous accounts of quilombos in Palmares, Bahia, Rio de Janeiro and others. The documents date from 1550 (approx.) through the final proclamation ending slavery in Brazil in 1888. Outstanding research tool, as well as an interesting read for those wishing to learn, first hand, about slavery in Brazil.

I just bought this book for my eleven year old grandson, and it is a wonderful summary of information about Ecuadorian children. It tells just enough information to keep a child interested, and the photos are really beautiful. It has a good mix of photos and narrative, and it kept him enthralled as I read it to him. We visited Ecuador last year and he was especially interested in the culture ever since. We enjoyed this book so much I ordered several other "Children of" books from this same series.

Dr. Ensalaco is one of my professors at the University of Dayton. We had to read this book for his Political Violence course. The book is extremely insightful and probes deeply into the repression of the political left under the Pinochet regime. The information isn't just anti-Pinochet propganda, but gives the facts from both sides of the repression, from assassination attempts by the left to disappearences of leftists and their sympathizers without trials or records that they were ever arrested. If you want to read an insightful account of the situation in Chile during the Pinochet years, I recommend that you buy this book.

In Chile's Political Culture And Parties: An Anthropological Explanation, Larissa Lomnitz and Ana Melnick collaborate to examine Chile's political culture in terms of Chileans functioning within social categories and rules which they called the "grammar" of the national Chilean culture. They argue that political parties in Chile are a conglomeration of horizontal networks of friends and that class is succinctly established within Chile's social fabric and defined by a mixture of variables (including an individual's position in the economy, social network, religious beliefs, and life-style choices). Chile's Political Culture And Parties is a seminal, scholarly, original, and highly recommended reading for students of Chile's history, politics, and contemporary culture.

If you are looking for an excellent book on the Candomble Orixa Worship of Brazil, then this is the classic. The book as the title states is of the power of the Brazilian Priestesses of the orixas, also known as orisha. Mai De Santos, or Priestesses of Orixas are as powerful, and as highly respected as the Babalawos of the Ifa and Babalorichas of Lucumi. I highly recomend this to all Voodoo Mambos, Santeria Santeras, and all Woman of the world, who believe in the power of Woman.

From a man's point of view this is a brilliant and inspiring work, and should be read buy all who honor the Ancient African Gods.

An excellent overview of the four years that shaped a lot of America's values and changed America's character. The 8 volume series was never boring and I found it especially valuable in that I could break it into 1-hour commute times. The introduction cassette covered some often over-looked tidbits of history and I found it most interesting. I would certainly recommend it.

Found this book very useful for my first year Modern History course in the University of New England (Australia).

Wow! I said when I read this book. It is descriptive and very well written. It's a page turner!

Graham was a distinguished historian and political scientist at Vanderbilt and UC Santa Barbara. Sadly, he died just as it was time to go do a book tour in promotion of Collision Course, so the book got little publicity. As an expert on Congress and the workings of the federal bureaucracy, he is able to recreate just how we managed to stumble unintentionally into the current, highly contradictory, immigration and affirmative action systems. At a time when the nation was finally intending to help African-Americans, why did it suddenly import tens of millions of low wage workers to drive blacks from many workplaces? And if affirmative action was intended as compensation for slavery and Jim Crow, why was it extended to new immigrants, even illegal ones? And what does this portend for the future, when the "racial ratio" of beneficiaries from quotas compared to those who must shoulder the burden mounts ever higher?